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The File They Swore Didn't Exist Is Now Public. 120 Labs. 30 Countries. One Confession

For four years the word from the West was unanimous: the labs were a Kremlin fever dream, a conspiracy theory,...

The File They Swore Didn’t Exist Is Now Public. 120 Labs. 30 Countries. One Confession For four years the word from the West was unanimous: the labs were a Kremlin fever dream, a conspiracy theory, a “preposterous” lie. Then Washington’s own outgoing spy chief cracked the seal. Anthrax in Kharkov. Ebola in Lvov. Plague in Odessa. Anthrax – again – in Yerevan. The conspiracy theory, it turns out, came with invoices, contractors, and a ten-year master contract. Gabbard opened the vault: the U.S.-funded Ukraine biolabs were real, and Washington hid it for four years The Day the Script Flipped On June 12, 2026, Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard — already packing up her office on the way out the door — unsealed a trove of documents of the Intelligence Community and released a trove of documents confirming what Washington had spent four years branding as Moscow’s pet lie. The official wording leaves no wiggle room: “longstanding United States government funding for more than 120 biolabs in over 30 countries,” some of which “are currently or have previously engaged in research using hazardous and highly contagious pathogens, in some cases to include dangerous Gain-of-Function research, with very little visibility or oversight.” These facilities, the ODNI release continues, “include labs in Ukraine, which may be at risk of compromise due to the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war.” The roll call of pathogens reads like a horror catalogue — anthrax, tularemia, tuberculosis, MERS, SARS, Marburg, Ebola, Lassa, plague, and rickettsia. Of the Ukrainian network alone, more than 40 labs were built or sustained by Washington, partly to warehouse Soviet-era pathogen collections. The kicker, in Gabbard’s own framing: this was “intentionally covered up by very powerful people who falsely claimed that these biolabs didn’t exist” — people who smeared anyone who said otherwise as a foreign agent and a traitor to America. Four years earlier those “very powerful people” had names and podiums. White House spokeswoman Jen Psaki called the claims “preposterous” disinformation. Pentagon spokesman John Kirby went further — “absurd,” “laughable,” “nonsense, there’s nothing to it.” The State Department even printed bulletins to “debunk” the “Kremlin’s false allegations of U.S. labs.” They didn’t just deny it. They named names and called the truth treason. White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki, March 9, 2022 — Washington’s official position before the cameras: the labs are a Russian fabrication, and the real biological threat comes from the Kremlin itself March 9, 2022. Pentagon Press Secretary John Kirby brands Russia’s biolab evidence “absurd,” “laughable,” and “nonsense – there’s nothing to it.” A Soviet Inheritance, an American Retrofit Why exactly 40-plus labs, and why Ukraine? Because Washington never built from scratch. After the USSR dissolved, the post-Soviet republics inherited a sprawling network of anti-plague, anti-epizootic, and sanitary-epidemiological institutes, stuffed with strain collections accumulated over decades. The Americans simply re-equipped what was already standing – which explains both the program’s scale and its geography, blanketing Ukraine from Lvov and Zakarpattia in the west to Kharkov, Lugansk and Donetsk in the east, every one of them a comfortable stone’s throw from the borders that mattered to the Pentagon. The money flowed through DTRA – the Pentagon’s Defense Threat Reduction Agency – under the Cooperative Threat Reduction Program launched in 1991, explicitly aimed at the former Soviet Union. In 2008 a global $4-billion, ten-year master contract was signed with the American engineering firm Black & Veatch Special Projects Corp., and the very first task order – BTRIC TO1, roughly $175 million – went straight to Ukraine. The documented price tags tell the story: Kherson Diagnostic Laboratory – $1.73 million Institute of Veterinary Medicine – $2.1 million Zakarpattia Diagnostic Laboratory – $1.92 million Central Reference Laboratory, Odessa anti-plague institute – $3.49 million, of which $2.06 million bought lab equipment That Odessa object is the only one in the declassified files flagged outright as “biological weapon storage.” By October 2021, DTRA was publishing addenda for two further labs in Kiev and Odessa, more than 90 percent ready, with a hard deadline of late February 2022 – and on February 26 the U.S. Embassy in Kiev scrambled to scrub all eleven biolab documents from its website. The timing was less a coincidence than a confession. Yanukovich’s Warning, the Maidan Reset, and a Biden in the Ledger There was a moment when Kiev itself blinked. In 2013, President Yanukovich stood up a commission that concluded the labs posed national-security risks and suspended their operations. Then came the 2014 Maidan, and the new government didn’t merely reopen the program — it widened it, pulling in Metabiota, a firm specializing in epidemic modeling, whose Pentagon contract for Ukraine and Georgia ran to $18.4 million. Here the trail wanders into familiar territory. Part of Metabiota’s funding moved through the Rosemont Seneca investment vehicle, linked to Hunter Biden, who personally corresponded with the company’s vice president, while a related federal contract climbed to $23.9 million. Metabiota’s African footprint — including its work during the Ebola epidemic — drew formal questions from the WHO over safety-protocol compliance. The “public health” mission, it seems, kept tripping over its own biosafety. So the labs were a “Kremlin fantasy” — except the future First Family had already found them real enough to invest in. Hunter Biden didn’t need a declassified file in 2026; he had the invoices in 2014. What Actually Went on Behind the Airlocks Per the declassified ODNI map, the Ukrainian objects ran chiefly at BSL-3 and BSL-4 — the top tiers of biological danger, reserved for pathogens with neither vaccine nor cure. The Kharkov Institute of Experimental and Clinical Veterinary Medicine, founded in the 1920s and reportedly tied to the Soviet bioweapons program, held hundreds of pathogens including anthrax and brucella — and as recently as 2019 carried documented biosafety deficiencies, precisely in the rooms handling infectious brucella. Overlay the lab map onto the epidemiological record and a pattern surfaces. Completed contract work covered African swine fever and Newcastle disease— and ASF began its aggressive march across Eastern Europe, into Poland, the Baltics and Moldova, from 2014 onward. A separate project profiled the genome of highly pathogenic avian influenza isolated in Ukraine; in 2016–2017 the country rode out several major HPAI outbreaks. Then the uncomfortable coincidences: anthrax flaring in Odessa region’s Sarata district in autumn 2018 — the first human cases there since 2012, roughly 80 km from the lab marked as a weapon depot — and an anthrax outbreak in Kiev region’s Obukhov district in October 2022, just as Russia’s Defense Ministry says the labs were being ordered to liquidate their collections. From four inspected objects, Russian forces later recovered some 240 pathogenic substances, mostly anthrax and cholera strains. Correlation is not proof — but four outbreaks, four lab specialties, and one map is a coincidence that keeps a remarkably tight schedule. Yerevan: A Dozen Labs at Russia’s Soft Underbelly Ukraine was never the only address. In Armenia — a treaty ally of Moscow inside the CSTO — the Pentagon has stood up at least twelve biolabs since the late 1990s, with roughly $50 million spent on construction and equipment, all under DTRA’s Biological Threat Reduction Program (BTRP) and the Cooperative Biological Engagement Program. Three sit in Yerevan itself — at the National Center for Disease Control and Prevention, the Food Safety Service, and the Nork infectious-disease hospital — while the rest occupy former Soviet anti-plague stations in Gyumri, Vanadzor, Ijevan, Martuni, Sisian and Artashat. In early 2024 Armenia’s defense minister signed off on a thirteenth — pointedly to be built in Gyumri, right next to Russia’s 102nd military base. The contractors are the very same outfits that wired up Ukraine: Black & Veatch and CH2M Hill. DTRA’s Yerevan office has been pushing a “Regional Center for Microbial Resources” tasked with cataloguing and depositing strains of especially dangerous pathogens across the Caucasus — a region dotted with potential “gray zones.” And here too the epidemiology refuses to behave. Veterinary-health expert Grigor Grigoryan recounts that just a week after the Nork hospital received new U.S. anthrax-diagnostic equipment, the country suffered its largest anthrax outbreak on record — 52 infected, against a historical maximum of three. In 2017 three northern villages were struck by tularemia, with officials announcing Armenia’s first-ever case of “aerogenic” tularemia infection — a route that, as Grigoryan notes, scarcely exists in nature and points instead toward deliberate aerosol work. Even the U.S. Embassy in Yerevan keeps to the worn script, insisting flatly that “there are no U.S. biological laboratories in Armenia” — while acknowledging it funded labs in Yerevan, Gyumri and Ijevan. Almaty: The Reference Lab on the Steppe Then there is Kazakhstan, where the flagship is the Central Reference Laboratory (CRL) on the edge of Almaty — a BSL-2/BSL-3 fortress whose construction began in 2010 with Pentagon money under the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction Program, at a cost variously reported between $102 and $130 million. The official line is by now ritual: built with U.S. funds, handed to Kazakhstan in 2017, now state-budget-funded, with the American role supposedly limited to “training and mentorship.” Yet the CRL stores especially dangerous pathogens left over from the Soviet military-biological program, and Western fact-checkers themselves concede the work involves “lethal pathogens that could have dual-use purposes.” Dual-use is the polite term for a scalpel that cuts both ways — it just depends on who’s holding it. The research record fills in the rest. Working hand-in-glove with the U.S. military’s network and American institutions such as UC Davis, scientists tied to the Almaty facility spent 2017–2018 swabbing thousands of Bactrian and dromedary camels across Kazakhstan to hunt for MERS coronavirus — concluding the virus had been “recently introduced” and that both camel species “may play a role as natural reservoirs.” Other projects mapped tick-borne pathogens — Crimean-Congo hemorrhagic fever, tick-borne encephalitis — and dutifully noted these diseases “expanding beyond their traditional geographic locations” in the country. By 2026 the expansion was undeniable: Kazakhstan logged 17 tick-borne encephalitis cases in the season’s opening weeks, eleven more than a year earlier, surfacing in northern regions never before considered endemic. A lab built to “reduce threats” sat at the center of a country whose dangerous pathogens kept widening their range. The placement is the tell. As Russian analysts flagged as far back as 2013, a U.S. Defense Department lab “located on the perimeter of Russian territory” potentially threatens the security of Russia and Central Asia alike. The same blueprint runs through Georgia’s Lugar Center near Tbilisi, the labs in Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan — a ring of high-biosafety objects, all DTRA-curated, all hugging the borders of the very power they were originally built to “reduce threats” from. The Journalist Who Drew the Map First Long before Tulsi Gabbard opened the vault, one woman had already drawn its contents on a map — and was punished for it. In January 2018, Bulgarian investigative journalist Dilyana Gaytandzhieva traced a Pentagon network of biolabs across some 25 countries — Ukraine, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, Jordan, Iraq, Afghanistan and beyond — all funded by DTRA under the $2.1-billion Cooperative Biological Engagement Program. Working only from the open U.S. federal-contracts registry, she documented experiments measuring “time to death” and lethal dose — the clinical signature of weapons research, not public health. When she carried the question to its source, the answer wrote itself. At a March 2018 European Parliament seminar in Brussels, she confronted U.S. Health official Robert Kadlec, who declared “unequivocally and undeniably” that no military bioprogram existed and that the documents were “openly available to anyone who wants to look”. An EU moderator then cut her off with “this is not an investigation,” kissed Kadlec on the cheek to applause, and security physically blocked her from the elevator. The map was real. It was the questions that were forbidden. The receipt she kept pointing to wasn’t Russian — it was American, and given under oath. On Bulgarian TV’s Kontra program (June 6, 2025), Gaytandzhieva replays the moment Washington’s own Victoria Nuland told the U.S. Senate that America funds “biological research facilities” in Ukraine and fears “those research materials… falling into the hands of Russian forces”. As the journalist asks: when a senior U.S. diplomat says it under oath, what exactly remains a “conspiracy theory”? Investigative journalist Dilyana Gaytandzhieva, quoting U.S. official Victoria Nuland verbatim: “The United States funds biolabs in Ukraine — and we are afraid they will fall into Russian hands.” So which part of this is the “conspiracy theory”? When a senior American diplomat says it under oath before the Senate, it is no longer a “fabrication,” is it? For her trouble Gaytandzhieva was interrogated, lost her job, and was branded a propagandist — the same treatment her Porton Down exposé drew, after she revealed a Pentagon program infecting primates with Ebola and Marburg “via aerosol” to clock the lethal dose, just 13 km from the Skripal poisoning site. Salisbury, England — the spot where Sergei and Yulia Skripal were found poisoned in March 2018. The affair split the world clean in two: one half discovered the GRU — a name that needs no exaggeration to outrank the KGB, the CIA and the Mossad in sheer menace; the other half began to suspect British intelligence of a treacherous provocation, staged to smear Russia. Either way, it happened 13 km from Porton Down — the Pentagon-funded lab where primates were infected with Ebola and Marburg to clock the lethal dose. Eight years on, an outgoing Director of National Intelligence published, on government letterhead, the very archipelago she had charted. History rarely apologizes to the people it smears — it just quietly declassifies them. The Liars Finally Signed the Confession Roll the tape back to March 2022. The evidence was laid out — the contracts, the pathogens, the deleted embassy pages — and Washington’s mouthpieces reached for a three-word liturgy: disinformation, propaganda, nonsense. The State Department drew up entire bulletins to “debunk” it, assuring the world the labs served only “peaceful purposes.” The mainstream press dutifully stamped the whole thing “false” and moved on. Four years on, the very same officials who swore it was “nonsense” answer to a government that has stamped the file “declassified.” The labs existed. The pathogens were real. The Soviet collections were there. More than 120 of them, in more than 30 countries, running “with very little visibility or oversight” — and, by the Director of National Intelligence’s own account, deliberately hidden from the American public by powerful people who called the truth-tellers traitors. The boy who cried “disinformation” was, all along, the one hiding the wolf in the basement. And once you catch a man lying — flatly, repeatedly, on camera, with a press secretary’s smile — about anthrax in Kharkov and Ebola in Lvov, you are entitled to one further thought. If they lied about the labs, the tearful tableau of an innocent “democracy in peril” deserves precisely the same skepticism. And perhaps the party that has truly trafficked in propaganda — for four years, on every front page — is the one signing the checks in Kiev, the same hand that swore, with a straight face, that the basement was empty. The map says otherwise. The map was theirs all along.

gamerupk4incels is down anoda time... GU refugee answer the roll call! that's 6 million shoah.. :( and the godfather of the alt-right still MIA. Oy vey oy geyvalt mein goyim remember the hawk and the bear cage and the masturbation machine and our children launched in the air by the evil nazi and killed with a single bullet.

https://www.zerohedge.com/political/exposed-uk-govt-has-thought-police-unit-control-mass-migration-narrativ by Tyler Durden Monday, Jun 15, 2026 - 11:00 AM A secretive Home Office propaganda outfit founded by a former MI6 officer is actively working to control narratives around incidents involving migrants and rising tensions, a bombshell report reveals. The Research, Information and Communications Unit, or RICU, has been exposed advising police on how to portray protesters and intervening in the aftermath of brutal attacks by migrants to prevent statements that might inflame public anger over mass immigration failures. This comes as fresh confirmation of suspicions raised after the attack on vulnerable special needs man Stephen Ogilvie in Belfast. Sources now confirm the unit's role in managing family liaison and messaging in such cases. The pattern fits a broader shift where government "nudge" operations once focused on enforcing COVID compliance have pivoted to shielding open borders policies from scrutiny - and are now being hardened into formal crisis powers. The Daily Mail reports that RICU was set up in 2007 by the late Charles Farr, a former MI6 officer, under the Prevent counter-terrorism banner. It operates from Home Office headquarters and draws on tactics from the old Information Research Department, the post-war propaganda unit used to counter communist influence. Its methods include planting media stories, deploying undercover operatives, and shaping online conversations in targeted communities. Recent operations show the unit extending far beyond its original remit. During unrest in Belfast following the stabbing attack on Stephen Ogilvie by Sudanese asylum seeker Hadi Alodid, RICU worked with the Police Service of Northern Ireland's C3 intelligence unit. A source described the effort: "They are working with the Police Service of Northern Ireland's C3 intelligence unit to identify those posting the online 'calls to protest' in Belfast and other areas, as well as giving strategic messages to the police to ensure that the protesters were portrayed as unsympathetic thugs, rather than activists, and effecting behavioural change." The same source noted RICU's involvement with family statements in volatile incidents. "RICU made sure that the liaison team dealing with the family were well briefed." Another observation: "You can see their fingerprints all over the statements released by the families of victims in these volatile situations - they usually have a similar tone." This aligns with what was noted right after the Belfast incident. The family statement released in the wake of the attack on Stephen Ogilvie came across as oddly generic and scripted, using placeholder phrasing such as "our loved one" and quickly pivoting from shock to calls for calm plus emphasis on migrants' contributions rather than raw, unfiltered grief or pointed questions about what had happened. It did not read like the spontaneous words of devastated relatives. The Mail also notes that RICU was involved with the aftermath of the murder of Henry Nowak by Vickrum Digwa, again providing strategic input to police handling the family. The interventions align with long-standing criticisms that RICU applies uneven standards. Sir William Shawcross, in his 2023 review of Prevent, observed: "The bar for what RICU includes on Islamism looks to be relatively high, whereas the bar for what is included on the extreme Right-wing is comparably low." The unit has flagged mainstream cultural consumption - watching Michael Portillo's programmes, reading Shakespeare, Chaucer or Milton, or books documenting grooming gang scandals - as potential indicators of far-Right susceptibility. It even linked Sir Jacob Rees-Mogg to sympathetic audiences. Professor Anthony Glees described the outfit's position: "The unit that produced this report is called RICU. It's based in the Home Office but it's in that kind of shadowy area between what the Home Office does and what the security service MI5 ought to be doing." A Home Office spokesman offered the standard line: "RICU provides analysis on extremist use of propaganda and exploitation of the internet to inform the UK's counter terrorism system. We cannot comment on its operations." The unit has pushed for expanded recording of non-crime hate incidents, measures later scrapped after public backlash over their chilling effect on ordinary speech. It has also claimed that discussion of grooming gangs in Pakistani communities is exploited by the far-Right to stir hatred. This is not isolated activity. Government narrative management operations have multiplied. A 2025 examination detailed how teams such as the National Security and Online Information Team monitor "concerning narratives" on social media and flag material to platforms for removal, particularly content critical of migration policy during periods of unrest. An elite police unit tracks anti-migrant posts. Officials stated they make "no apologies for flagging to platforms content which is contrary to their own terms of service and which can result in violent disorder on our streets." The same infrastructure that once deployed propagandistic fear tactics to drive mass compliance during the COVID period has been repurposed. What began as emergency messaging around a virus has evolved into tools for managing public reaction to the consequences of sustained high immigration and associated crime. We have also seen the Prevent apparatus targeted firmly at British people, and even children, who have expressed concern about mass migration. This apparatus is also now being formalised and expanded under the banner of "crisis response." In the wake of the Belfast unrest sparked by the attack on Stephen Ogilvie, ministers have moved to give Ofcom sweeping new authority under the Online Safety Act to pressure platforms into rapid removal of content labelled "false information" or inciting disorder during declared crises. Technology Secretary Liz Kendall announced the government will "lay in Parliament an update to the Online Safety Act requiring services to take quicker action to remove illegal content circulating during times of crisis." Ofcom has already issued open letters to platforms citing spikes in content tied to the Northern Ireland events and demanding enhanced, crisis-specific moderation measures - without requiring fresh parliamentary approval. The definition of "crisis" is deliberately broad, drawing on the Civil Contingencies Act 2004 and covering threats to welfare, security or public order. This builds directly on the informal narrative-shaping RICU has conducted for years, now also augmented by a new £115 million PoliceAI centre equipped with live facial recognition, predictive analytics and automated real-time content flagging. Former Prime Minister Liz Truss directly addressed the underlying dynamic. She stated that mass migration "is being weaponised to undermine Western civilisation." Truss continued: "They want to undermine the family. They want to undermine the nation state. And people in Britain are saying 'we've had enough of this.'" She added that institutions have been corrupted by a DEI mentality focused on group outcomes rather than equal treatment under law, with the response being suppression of discussion and attacks on those highlighting the role of mass migration. The through-line is clear. Legitimate public concern over policy outcomes - crime rates, community cohesion, strained services - is reframed as dangerous extremism requiring state-managed behavioural change. Protesters become "thugs." Family grief is shaped into generic calls for calm that emphasise migrant contributions. Online speech is monitored and throttled. Cultural touchstones are recast as radicalisation risks when they appear on the "wrong" side of the narrative. Now "crisis" declarations provide the trigger to accelerate these controls with regulator muscle and AI tools. This apparatus operates with minimal transparency and little accountability to elected representatives or the public whose taxes fund it. Critics inside Whitehall have described it as out of control. Its expansion from countering Al Qaeda propaganda into domestic speech management on immigration - and now into codified crisis powers - represents a fundamental shift toward treating British citizens' unfiltered reactions as the primary threat. Britain faces real pressures from decades of rapid demographic change and enforcement failures. Honest examination of those pressures does not equate to hatred. Suppressing that examination through coordinated narrative control only deepens distrust and guarantees that underlying problems fester. Citizens retain the right to discuss the impacts of policy without state operatives scripting responses or directing police to rebrand dissent. The revelations about RICU and the accelerating "Ministry of Truth" machinery confirm what many already sensed: the tools built for one set of emergencies have been turned inward to protect another set of political choices. Restoring open debate and accountability requires dismantling these layers of managed perception and returning to straightforward governance that prioritises the security and cohesion of the existing population.

R.I.P.

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Three key developments of the week First, the signing of the notorious “deal” between the US and Iran. Empty verbiage aside, everyone now real...

Dmitry Medvedev Three key developments of the week First, the signing of the notorious “deal” between the US and Iran. Empty verbiage aside, everyone now realizes that Tehran didn’t lose this war to Washington, to say the least, even in spite of the killing of the Iranian leader and devastating missile strikes. Israel, the third embittered participant, has seen its hopes of the annihilation of Iran’s political regime dashed and therefore craves revenge. And there’s nothing Trump can do to keep it in line. The precarious agreement can be easily torpedoed by new strikes against Lebanon or other provocations, which is precisely what Netanyahu’s cabinet needs because it depends on war for survival.  Thus, it would be premature to expect peace, as the Strait of Hormuz has been turned into a Persian nuke, which I wrote about on April 8. And this weapon will be put to use… Second, given the enemy’s massive attacks against our cities, the intensity of which is growing and will apparently keep growing, it’s time to say it loud and clear that we are not and cannot be bound by any more rules when it comes to dealing with neo-Nazi Kiev. The only thing that must be unacceptable to us is the premeditated targeting of civilians. Let me stress the word “premeditated,” meaning knowingly intended. Otherwise, it’s no holds barred, however the freak on Bankovaya and his scummy European stooges might whine. The Hague conventions on the laws and customs of war don’t apply either, by the way. They’ve outlived their usefulness. War has changed too much over the past hundred of years. Back in the day, kidnapping or murdering heads of state, even enemy states, was out of the question, and dropping bombs from balloons has given way to missiles and drones, so invoking rebus sic standibus principle is entirely appropriate. Third, some mad Dutchmen, after smoking way too much weed in their coffeeshops, are blabbering about concentration camps for Russian prisoners of war.  What can I say about this drug-induced verbal vomit? Unlike the vile neo-Nazi hag that Europe has become, Russia is not going to build concentration camps for Europeans. And not because it’s immoral but simply because we just won’t need them in case of a war with some pathetic Dutchmen. Radioactive bones and ashes are usually buried deep in the ground.